Publications

The Limitations of Artificial Intelligence in Turkey

Legal, Regulatory, Ethical and Societal Dimensions

1. Introduction

Turkey occupies an unusual position in the global artificial intelligence (AI) landscape. It is a technologically ambitious middle power with a young, connected population, a growing domestic technology sector, and an explicit national strategy to become a producer rather than merely a consumer of AI. At the same time, its AI ecosystem is constrained by a set of interlocking limitations that are as much legal, regulatory, ethical and societal as they are technical. This review focuses on those non-technical constraints, examining how the absence of a mature, dedicated legal framework interacts with structural ethical and social vulnerabilities to shape—and in important respects limit—the responsible development and deployment of AI in Turkey.
This image was generated using AI
The analysis draws on publicly available scholarship, legal commentary, regulatory guidance from the Turkish Personal Data Protection Authority (KVKK), reporting on concrete incidents such as the 2025 Grok ban, and international human-rights sources. It is organized into two principal parts. The first examines the legal and regulatory limitations: the lack of a binding AI statute, the gaps in Turkey’s draft AI law, fragmented oversight, incomplete alignment with the EU AI Act, and unresolved questions around data protection and intellectual property. The second examines the ethical and societal limitations: algorithmic bias and the low-resource status of the Turkish language, expanding state surveillance, threats to free expression, the digital divide, and challenges to public trust and academic freedom.
A note on sources and scope is warranted. This review was prepared without access to the paywalled JSTOR results that prompted it; it therefore relies on open-access legal analyses, regulatory documents, preprints and news reporting. Readers with institutional access are encouraged to consult the underlying peer-reviewed literature for citation in formal academic work. All URLs in the reference list were current as of July 2026.
September 21, 2026
Jamal Naghizade

2. Legal and Regulatory Limitations

2.1 The absence of a dedicated, binding AI law
The most fundamental legal limitation is that, as of mid-2026, Turkey still has no specific statute directly regulating artificial intelligence. AI governance has instead rested on a patchwork of soft law and general legislation—ethical guidelines issued by the KVKK, guidance from the Council of Higher Education (YÖK), sector rules, and the existing Personal Data Protection Law (Law No. 6698). A draft Artificial Intelligence Law was submitted to the Grand National Assembly in June 2024, and further legislative packages have followed, but a comprehensive binding framework has not yet been enacted. This creates legal uncertainty for developers, providers and users, who must infer their obligations from instruments never designed for AI.
The practical consequence is that AI-specific harms are addressed reactively through pre-existing law rather than through purpose-built rules. The 2025 Grok episode illustrates this vividly: when xAI’s chatbot generated content deemed insulting to President Erdoğan, Atatürk and religious values, authorities did not invoke an AI statute but instead applied existing criminal provisions and internet-content enforcement mechanisms, with the telecommunications regulator (BTK) implementing a court-ordered block. The incident confirmed that AI outputs can be treated as actionable content under existing law even without a dedicated regime—an approach that is legally workable but leaves the boundaries of permissible AI speech undefined.
2.2 Gaps in the draft Artificial Intelligence Law
Even where reform is under way, the proposed framework is widely regarded as thin. Commentators reviewing the draft AI law have identified several material gaps:
  • Undefined risk categories. The draft adopts the language of a risk-based approach and states that special measures should apply to “high-risk” systems, but it neither defines which systems are high-risk nor specifies how they are to be regulated—in contrast to the EU AI Act’s four explicit tiers.

  • Ambiguous allocation of responsibility. The roles and duties of developers, providers and users are not fully articulated, complicating accountability and enforcement.

  • Limited scope and detail. The proposal is comparatively short and lacks detail on definitions, actor-scope and prohibited uses, leaving substantial matters to be filled in by secondary regulation that does not yet exist.

  • Intellectual property lacunae. Turkey has not adopted specific IP rules for AI-generated works or inventions; copyright and industrial-property law continue to recognize only human authors and inventors, leaving the status of machine-generated output unsettled.
Even where reform is under way, the proposed framework is widely regarded as thin. Commentators reviewing the draft AI law have identified several material gaps:
2.3 Fragmented oversight and institutional overlap
Turkey lacks a single, dedicated AI regulator. Instead, authority is dispersed across existing bodies: the KVKK for data-related obligations, the BTK for electronic communications and content, YÖK for higher education, and the Ministry of National Education for schools, among others. While each has issued relevant guidance, the absence of a coordinating authority produces a fragmented oversight landscape in which mandates overlap, gaps go unaddressed, and no institution holds end-to-end responsibility for AI assurance. Fragmentation also raises the risk of inconsistent interpretation across sectors.
2.4 Partial alignment with the EU AI Act
Turkey’s draft law explicitly mirrors the structure of the EU AI Act, invoking shared principles of safety, transparency, fairness, accountability and privacy, and borrowing the risk-based classification concept. This alignment is strategically sensible given Turkey’s deep economic ties to the EU and the extraterritorial reach of the Act over Turkish companies serving European markets. However, alignment remains aspirational rather than substantive. Because the Turkish proposal omits the detailed risk definitions, prohibited practices and conformity-assessment machinery that give the EU Act its force, harmonization depends on secondary regulation that has not been drafted. Turkish firms that must comply with the EU Act therefore face a compliance asymmetry: binding, detailed obligations abroad and vague, still-forming obligations at home.
2.5 Data protection: KVKK guidance and its limits
Data-protection law is the most developed strand of Turkey’s AI governance, but it too has limits. The KVKK has issued recommendations on the protection of personal data in AI and, in April 2026, published guidance on "agentic" AI that treats derived and inferred data—outputs produced by correlating multiple datasets—as personal data subject to full compliance under Law No. 6698. The KVKK has also stressed that decisions based solely on automated processing that significantly affect an individual must permit human review or objection.
These are meaningful safeguards, yet they operate through guidance and the general data-protection statute rather than through AI-specific legislation with proportionate enforcement tools. Guidance can clarify expectations but does not carry the same binding weight or tailored sanctions as primary law, and treating broad categories of inferred data as personal data raises practical compliance burdens that are difficult to meet without clearer rules. The result is a governance model that is comparatively robust on privacy but narrow: it addresses the data dimension of AI while leaving safety, transparency and accountability dimensions comparatively under-regulated.

3. Ethical and Societal Limitations

3.1 Algorithmic bias and the low-resource status of Turkish
A structural limitation with deep ethical implications is that Turkish is, in machine-learning terms, a low-resource language. It is highly agglutinative and morphologically complex, and it lacks the large, high-quality annotated datasets available for languages such as English. Models built for analytic languages do not transfer straightforwardly, and many Turkish training and reasoning datasets are machine-translated from English without validation, propagating inaccuracy and bias.
This has concrete fairness consequences. Research investigating gender bias in Turkish language models has documented biased associations, and studies of natural-language-processing systems have found that dialect-specific Turkish structures are frequently misclassified or misparsed by tools such as spaCy, Stanza and BERTurk. Because bias-mitigation techniques that work for high-resource languages are less effective here, Turkish requires alternative approaches such as contextual word alignment. Until such methods mature, AI systems deployed in Turkish risk encoding linguistic and social bias, disadvantaging dialect speakers and reinforcing inequities—an ethical limitation that also deepens the digital divide discussed below.
3.2 State surveillance and the erosion of civil liberties
Perhaps the most acute societal concern is the rapid, largely ungoverned expansion of AI-enabled state surveillance. Reporting indicates that Turkey substantially enlarged its surveillance capacity in 2024−2025, procuring some 3,500 facial-recognition cameras for deployment across 30 provinces and issuing tenders for roughly 13,000 additional devices, alongside plans for body-worn cameras with facial-recognition capability. AI has also been integrated into policing and justice functions ranging from automated traffic enforcement to predictive analytics.
Academic and human-rights analyses warn that indiscriminate facial recognition—particularly the scanning of crowds or protests—creates unacceptable risks to privacy, imports racial and other biases, and lacks adequate social control. There are reports that facial recognition has been used to identify protesters. Deployed at scale and without the legal safeguards that a dedicated framework would provide, these systems threaten civil liberties, the presumption of innocence and freedom of assembly. The limitation here is not technical capacity but the absence of proportionality, transparency and oversight, which turns a powerful tool into a hazard for democratic rights.
3.3 Free expression and the precedent of the Grok ban
The 2025 Grok ban is significant not only as a regulatory case study but as an ethical and free-expression flashpoint. When a Turkish court ordered access to Grok’s content to be blocked and the BTK implemented the order, Turkey became the first country to censor an AI chatbot on such grounds. Anti-censorship advocates have cautioned that the precedent could be invoked by other governments to justify blocking AI outputs they find objectionable under broad definitions of hate speech or national security. The episode highlights a genuine tension—AI systems can generate defamatory or unlawful content—while also illustrating how, absent clear and narrowly drawn rules, content controls can chill legitimate expression and be applied to protect officials from criticism.
3.4 The digital divide and unequal access
AI’s benefits in Turkey are unevenly distributed. The low-resource status of Turkish, combined with disparities in connectivity, digital literacy and access to advanced tools, means that the advantages of AI accrue disproportionately to well-resourced institutions and urban, educated populations. Researchers working on open-source machine translation for Turkish and related Turkic languages frame their efforts explicitly as attempts to reduce digital inequality—an implicit acknowledgment that current systems underperform for many speakers. Without deliberate intervention, AI risks widening rather than narrowing existing social and regional gaps, a societal limitation with long-term equity implications.
3.5 Public trust, transparency and academic freedom
Finally, the effective adoption of AI depends on public trust, which remains fragile in an environment of limited transparency. The draft law’s emphasis on transparency, fairness and accountability is intended precisely to build such trust, but principles unaccompanied by enforceable mechanisms may not suffice. In the academic sphere, YÖK has issued an Ethics Guide for Generative AI in Scientific Research that prohibits listing AI as an author and requires disclosure of AI assistance, while the Ministry of National Education’s 2025−2029 Action Plan mandates ethical review and model-transparency requirements for AI tools in public schools.
These measures are constructive, yet they also surface tensions. Requirements for disclosure and vendor evaluation must be balanced against researchers' autonomy and the risk that opaque or centralized certification processes could constrain academic freedom. More broadly, in a context where state surveillance is expanding and content controls have been exercised against AI outputs, scholars and citizens may reasonably worry about self-censorship. Trust, transparency and academic freedom are therefore interdependent: weakness in one propagates to the others, and each remains a live limitation on Turkey’s AI trajectory.

4. Synthesis and Conclusion

The limitations of AI in Turkey are best understood as mutually reinforcing rather than separate. The legal vacuum—no binding statute, a thin draft law, fragmented oversight and only aspirational EU alignment—means that ethical and societal risks are managed reactively through instruments not designed for them. That legal thinness, in turn, amplifies the societal harms: surveillance expands without proportionality safeguards, content controls operate without narrow definitions, algorithmic bias goes unaudited, and public trust erodes for want of enforceable transparency.
Conversely, Turkey has genuine strengths on which reform can build. The KVKK’s data-protection guidance, including its treatment of automated decision-making and agentic AI, is relatively advanced; YÖK and the education ministry have begun to address AI ethics in research and schooling; and the draft law’s deliberate alignment with the EU AI Act provides a coherent template. The central challenge is to convert principle into enforceable, detailed and proportionate rules—defining risk categories, allocating responsibility, constraining state surveillance, protecting expression and investing in Turkish-language resources to reduce bias and the digital divide.
For researchers, the practical implication is that studying AI limitations in Turkey requires an integrated lens. Technical constraints (the low-resource language problem) cannot be separated from legal ones (the absence of binding rules) or societal ones (surveillance, trust and equity). Addressing any single dimension in isolation will leave the others—and therefore the overall limitation—substantially intact.

References

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